Oil, Security and International Relations: Why Putin is Traveling to Modi in Delhi
Russian President is embarking on a two-day visit to India, where he is expected to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi and attend an regular dialogue organized by the two nations.
Delhi and Moscow are poised to sign a number of accords during the trip, which occurs following the US escalated pressure on India to halt buying Russian crude oil.
It also coincides with the Donald Trump's administration holding a series of negotiations with Russia and Ukraine in an effort to end the hostilities.
India and Russia have been strategic friends for many years, and Putin and Modi enjoy a productive rapport. Here is a analysis at why they both need each other – and what to expect as they confer.
A Strategic Partnership, Economic Agreements and International Dynamics
Why are ties with India crucial for the Russian leadership?
Firstly, examine the figures:
- A population of nearly a 1.5 billion.
- GDP expansion over 8%. India is the world's top-performing large economy.
That makes it a hugely attractive destination for Russian commodities and exports – particularly oil.
India is the world's number three importer of oil and has been buying large volumes from Russia. That wasn't always the case. Before the Kremlin's comprehensive military action of Ukraine, just 2.5% of India's oil purchases were sourced from Moscow.
That share surged to 35% as India capitalized on Russian price discounts caused by restrictions against Moscow and Russia's limited entry to the Western market.
India was content. Washington was displeased.
In October, the Trump administration levied an extra 25% tariff on Indian goods, arguing that by buying oil from Russia, India was assisting in fund the Kremlin's military budget. Imports from India for Russian oil have since dropped. President Putin will be anxious for India to continue purchasing.
For Moscow, defence exports to India are an additional major objective and have been dating back to the USSR era. Ahead of Putin's visit, there were reports that India is considering to purchase advanced Russian fighter jets and missile defence systems.
Russia, experiencing a skilled worker deficit, also views India as a important source of qualified workers.
But there's geopolitics involved, too.
The Kremlin takes pleasure in demonstrating that US and European attempts to isolate it over the war in Ukraine have been unsuccessful.
Visiting India and holding talks with Prime Minister Modi is a means of achieving this.
So is going to China and conducting discussions with Xi Jinping, as Putin did a quarter ago. He saw Modi on the that trip. The image of the three leaders laughing and talking side-by-side conveyed a clear statement that, despite the war in Ukraine, Moscow has major allies who support the concept of a "multi-polar world".
Russia lauds its "boundless partnership" with China.
It is just as emphatic about its "unique and exceptional strategic partnership" with India.
That is a stark difference to Moscow's difficult rapport with the Europe.
"I think the Kremlin is certain that the West, even Europe, totally failed," believes expert Andrei Kolesnikov.
"Moscow has not been cut off, because we have connections to Asia and the non-Western nations. Economically, this is the coming era. In that sense Russia has come back as the principal player in these regions of the globe, similar to the Soviet Union."
This week, though, anticipate to hear about Russia-India friendship, trade deals and enhanced trade relations between Moscow and Delhi.
Test of Modi's Balancing Act
Putin's visit to Delhi is taking place at a critical time for Modi and India's global aspirations.
India-Russia relations date back to the Soviet era and have endured regardless of the evolving international landscape.
Putin has likely put greater time and energy into this bond than other Russian leaders preceding him.
As for Modi, even after facing considerable scrutiny from Western governments to censure Russia over its war in Ukraine, he stated that talks was the sole way to resolve the war.
This was India's "independent policy" at play – with Modi occupying a specific place in the international system where he cultivated strong ties with Moscow while preserving his relationship with the West at the same time.
That worked – until Trump was re-elected to the White House. India-US ties have plunged to an nadir in the past few months as the two countries have been unable to overcome the trade deadlock.
In this context, Putin's visit assumes more weight for Modi than ever before because it will challenge India's foreign policy balancing act. He will be walking the metaphorical delicate balance here.
Modi would want to demonstrate Indians at home and in the global stage that he yet considers Putin as his friend and has resisted pressure from Trump, whom he has previously called his "good friend".
But he has also been under scrutiny from his allies in Europe – as recently as this week, the German, French and UK ambassadors in India wrote a rare joint article in a major newspaper criticising Russia's position on Ukraine.
And so, Modi will have to make sure that the consolidation of India-Russia ties does not overshadow current negotiations with the US and his relationship with Europe.
"For India, the task is maintaining equilibrium – preserving independence while managing demands from Washington and interdependence on Moscow," commented a local policy institute.
Modi's further priority will be to realize the full capacity of economic exchange between India and Russia.
Experts have frequently said that the commercial ties between the two strong allies has underperformed for decades.
Their bilateral trade rose to $68.72bn at the end of March 2025, up from {just